Neoliberalism is a normative theory, that is, a theory that makes claims about what is good or bad, and what ought to be done to achieve these desired objectives. Thus it does not use existing reality as a starting point. Everything hinges around the needs and wants of the individual; social classes and collective interests are not considered. Competitiveness between individuals is resolved through a mystical process called ‘catallaxy’, which is the supposed economic order that arises from individuals pursuing their various goals through exchange, and the resulting intervention of a hidden, ‘invisible hand’. The seven main theoretical pillars of neoliberalism, outlined by Lane, are:
Psychological - motivations of self-interest act as drivers of economic development. Such psychological drives must be allowed to flourish, unfettered by the state;
Legal - supremacy of law which defends individual liberty, defines rights to property, enforces the supremacy of the free market and limits state activity;
Economic - unrestricted market activity through competition at all levels of the economy;
Political - the state is subject to law and cannot override it. The state exercises law enforcement legitimated by electoral bourgeois democracy; it maintains property rights and the institutions of market exchange; state activities are subject to market forces;
Social - individuals, families and other autonomous groupings such as charities. The promotion of diversity and anti-discrimination, and the monetarisation of human relationships;
Coordination - the market is the principal form of exchange; the process of catallaxy (mutual spontaneous adjustment) and exchange between people promotes well-being. International institutions set and enforce rules between national and global economic entities;
Boundaries - the international system, mediated by agreements between states, promotes free geographical movement of capital, labour, goods and services. Global institutions enforce rules to promote free capitalist intercourse on a world scale. Political intervention in ‘unfree’ states by ‘liberal’ states is legitimate, to secure ‘freedom’.
In only 300 pages, David Lane examines (and dismisses) theories such as ‘post capitalism’ (as put forward by Paul Mason); in short, capitalism still exists. He discusses the problems of the former socialist countries, the rise of the BRICS economies, the changed nature of the ruling class (changed apart from the fact it still rules), his ‘six main structural alternatives to neoliberalism’, the significance of new technology, the self-destructing propensities of global capitalism - and the extent to which these are caused by globalism or capitalism. His tone is measured and scholarly, illustrated by the breadth of footnotes, graphs and references to other sources, while remaining highly readable and persuasive.
David Lane appears to aim his book at left of centre theorists and policy makers, with the goal of throwing a critical spotlight on our current system and pointing to positive immediate changes that could be made, without frightening the horses as it were. Revolution is not mentioned. He points to the huge public popularity of the idea of nationalising utilities and health services, for example, while highlighting the pernicious role of the media in forming public opinion. His eloquent plea for a ‘democratically controlled socialist state’ does not underplay the obstacles and difficulties in achieving this, but does seem to rely on an awful lot of people, at all levels of society, being won over by the argument. In describing the current world we live in and its ideological drivers, this is book provides much food for thought and is well worth reading.